Tuesday 13 September 2022

The warning of Cromwell and Khomeini for the church: eschew nationalism.

 Ayatollah Khomeini and Oliver Cromwell have a lot in common – both were religious men, both were from small provincial towns, (Khomein, Huntingdon), both despised the scent of luxury, both decided a king must die, both led revolutions, and both were dictators.

 A lot of violence

 And both caused excessive amounts of violence – in the name of God.

 Over 200,000 people met an early death during the English Civil Wars, in England and Scotland. For Ireland, the figure is over half a million. At Drogheda and Wexford people were massacred in cold blood. A few hundred were bunt alive in a church tower.

 Ayatollah Khomeini returned to Iran on February 1st 1979; the executions began on February 15th. Four generals were shot on the roof of Rafeh School, Tehran. Many more were to follow them. During Khomeini’s reign a UN report estimates that around 7.000 were executed between 1979 – 1987; and then there were the mass executions of the milder Mojahadin supporters in 1988, authorised by Khomeini. At least 5,000 were killed. 10,000 Kurds died in the aftermath of their uprising, perhaps a 1,000 were executed by Khomeini’s hanging judge, Khalkhali. And around half a million Iranians died in the Iran-Iraq war which Khomeini perpetuated. A third of the dead were aged between 15 – 19; 3% were 14 or under.

 Sickened by the slaughter of the young an old student of Khomeini, Mehdi Haeri Yasdi, visited the author of the war.

 He found Khomeini alone, sitting on a rug in his garden before a small pool. He (Haeri) opened up his heavy heart to Khomeini and asked his mentor if he could not find a way to stop the awful slaughter…Khomeini made no sound until Haeri stopped talking. Then, without turning his head and in even but reproachful tones, he asked, ‘Do you criticize God when he sends an earthquake.’[1]

 Cromwell’s response to the massacres in Ireland was similar. They were the, ‘righteous judgment on those barbarous wretches who have imbued their hands in so much innocent blood.’

 Sincere believers

 It would be easy to explain all of this violence in the name of God by saying that Cromwell and Khomeini were cynically using religion to dupe their superstitious followers.

 If only life were that simple. Cromwell and Khomeini were both sincere believers.

 In a letter to his cousin, before he was a political leader, Cromwell wrote: ‘Oh, I lived in and loved darkness and hated light; I was a chief, the chief of sinners. That is true: I hated godliness, yet God had mercy on me. O the riches of his mercy! Praise him for me; — pray for me, that he who hath begun a good work would perfect it in the day of Christ’. He was clearly referring to a conversion experience.

 And in a private letter to his daughter Bridget, he wrote: ‘Let not anything cool thy affections for Christ’. He is equally erstwhile with his son in law. There are five volumes of his letters and papers and historians have found nothing to suggest he was cynical about his faith.

 As for Khomeini, none of his many critics have ever been able to accuse him of religious hypocrisy. He lived as a Shia cleric. His devotion to his faith was total - long before the revolution. As a student he would rise before dawn for his prayers and then face an intense day of lectures and study. His commitment can be seen in small things: when the secularist king, Reza Shah, banned Muslim leaders from wearing clerical head-dress, Khomeini would travel at night, rather than abandon his turban, signalling he was a cleric, and black, because he was a Seyed (a descendent of Mohammad). In exile in Ankara, one of his guards, Colonel Afzali, reported to his superiors that Khomeini was ‘spending most of his time…reading the Koran, praying, and eating.’ To his Turkish hosts in exile in Bursa he seemed to be a calm, elderly man – unless his religious scruples were crossed. His hostess, Melahat Bey, met Khomeini wearing a normal dress, her head uncovered. Khomeini was visibly upset and insisted that she cover her head and wear a long dress. It is hard to conclude that Khomeini was treating his faith like a game.

 The contradiction between their faith and their violence

 The tension over these two men of faith being promiscuous in their use of political violence becomes even more tangled because their respective religious traditions were against violence.

 With Christianity this is easy to prove. Jesus refused the way of the sword, and commanded his followers to do the same. Moreover He – and after Him the apostles - called on all Christians to respect the governing authorities of the day. There is no room for a New Model Army charging forth to overthrow the emperor in the New Testament.

 With Shia Islam it is not so easy because the founder of Islam was most certainly a man of war. Hence a simple conclusion would be to say that while Cromwell denied the teachings of his founder, Khomeini faithfully followed in the steps of his.

 Again, it’s not so simple.

 For in Shia Islam there is a strong quietist tradition based on the firm hope that the hidden Imam, Mehdi, will return. He would usher in a reign of justice, for that was not the work of ordinary mortals. So when Shia Islam became the national faith of Iran in the early 17th C, the religious leaders kept away from politics, loath to challenge Mehdi’s authority.

 Ayatollah Khomeini rejected this teaching and propagated his doctrine of Velayat-e Faqih. Here the ‘Guardianship of the Jurist’ ruled, not a king - until Mehdi returned. This was a radical departure from the normal teaching of Shia Islam regarding religion and the state.

 Here then we have a puzzle. We have two sincere believers in God who believe they are faithful representatives of their religions; yet they both radically opposed the tenets of those religious traditions when it came to politics and violence. But then they both claimed that the very religion they are opposing was the reason for the excessive violence they used. And millions of the adherents of these two religions supported them when they exercised power, and still vehemently support their reputation today.

 The poison of nationalism clothed in ‘manifest destiny’

 Step forward nationalism, and the puzzle starts to untangle. What dominated Cromwell and Khomeini was a fierce loathing of all that threatened their xenophobic vision for their country. Hence Cromwell reviled the French and their Catholicism, for, with their stooge Charles 1st, they threatened the culture of the Protestant English. And Khomeini reviled the West led by the Americans, for, with their stooge Mohammad Reza Shah, they were a secular threat to Iran’s Islamic way of life. This is easy to understand.

 What is troublesome, for Christians and Muslims, is that both men clothed their revulsion to these threats in the language of their religion. How did they both manage to convince millions of their supporters that it was the will of God to execute kings and courtiers, to wage war, to order mass executions?

 Enter the pernicious creed of ‘manifest destiny’ which says God has a special destiny for a particular nation. Obviously, it is easy for the patriotic and usually racist masses to believe that they are God’s chosen ones. So when a strong leader says it is God’s will for England to crush the Irish, or for the Iranians to crush the Kurds, - murder gets to work.

 For a Christian leader like Cromwell this preaching of ‘manifest destiny’ is that much easier because of the Old Testament paradigm where God clearly had a special destiny for the people of Israel. Cromwell bluntly used this in the opening paragraph of his ‘Declaration as Lord Protector’ in 1654.

 That this hath been a nation of blessings in the midst whereof so many wonders have been brought forth by the outstretched arm of the Almighty, even to astonishment, and wonder, who can deny? Ask we the nations of this matter and they will testify, and indeed the dispensations of the Lord have been as if he had said, England thou art my first-born, my delight amongst the nations, under the whole heavens the Lord hath not dealt so with any of the people round about us.

 Cromwell was the leader of a new Israel, another Joshua, judging God’s enemies with the sword, to keep the promised land for God’s people. This is not Christianity. Indeed, this use of the Old Testament is a mirage. Apart from Israel there is not a whisper of evidence in the Bible that God has any other chosen people, and now that role for Israel no longer exists. It has been superseded by the church. There is only one chosen people, Christians from all nations, and they are called to follow Jesus of Nazareth, not Joshua.

 For Islam there is more tension for the peddlers of ‘manifest destiny’ because the whole point of Islam is that there is no special nation, just a special language (Arabic). Khomeini moved the goal posts. He claimed to be the leader of all Muslims, and so was committed to eradicating all Western influence from Islamic lands. He was just starting with Iran. However, with the revolutionary slogan, ‘Neither East nor West, Iran is best’ it is obvious that Khomeini was encouraging vulgar nationalism.

 And so, Cromwell and Khomeini, despite their religious traditions, fuelled by crude nationalism, cloaked in the miserable creed of ‘manifest destiny’ became epicentres of political violence in their respective eras.

 And God’s name was soaked in the blood of the innocent.

 Nationalism, still a threat to the churches in Britain and Iran

 The lesson for church leaders in Britain and Iran is clear: eschew nationalism and treat the racist creed of ‘manifest destiny’ with the contempt it deserves. Sadly though nationalism is very much a dark cloud hanging over the Christians in these two countries.

 Six out of ten British Christians supported Brexit, some because the Cromwellian manifest destiny creed was preached. So at a national prayer meeting before Brexit the veteran eighty plus evangelist and preacher David Hathaway, much loved by Pentecostals and Charismatics, said this about the European Union: ‘We have to come out’. The statement was loaded. The ‘we’ meant the Protestant Britain Christian nation had to ‘come out’ of the corrupted (and Catholic) EU and so fulfil its divine destiny. Hathaway was not the only preacher to draw on this anti Catholic, anti-Europe mind-set in the run up to Brexit. Peter Horrobin, the founder of Ellel Ministries, wrote that Brexit was a ‘massive answer to prayer’ and that ‘God had acted to set the UK free from the external spiritual control of the EU’. It is a 17th script, complete with illustrations, for there were all sorts of articles explaining how various statues in Brussels were from the devil. This divisive type of national thinking is not in the Bible. Here God only has a special plan for the church - but such is Cromwell’s influence, this nationalism is still etched into the mentality of many British Christians. The evil needs to be whipped out of the UK churches as forcefully as Christ whipped out the money changers, otherwise UK Christians could find themselves being sucked into an epicentre of violence, as happened to Christians during Cromwell’s time.

 Iran’s church is also not immune from the poison of nationalism. Sickened by the violence and authoritarianism of Khomeini’s creed, many Muslims in Iran have now become Christians. Indeed a reliable survey puts the number of converts at around half a million[2].

 Nationalism though threatens this growing church. As with Cromwell and Khomeini, this threat again comes in the silky clothes of ‘manifest destiny’, an unhealthy assumption that God is especially interested in Iran, rather than say the Japanese or the Bolivians. This rests on two falsehoods. One is that because Iran is mentioned several times in the Bible, ergo, Iran is a special nation for God. The reference to Cyrus freeing the Jews from Babylon reinforces this idea. There is nothing of course in the Bible that says Iran – or indeed any nation – is today ‘special’. To think that God loves one nation more than another just because its name is in the Bible is ludicrous, but strangely it has gained traction. The other falsehood is the dogmatic interpretation of an obscure verse in Jeremiah 49:39 about God restoring the fortunes of Elam. Some have hung Iran’s ‘manifest destiny’ on this verse. It is a broken hook. Elam was never Iran. It was a completely separate nation, conquered first by the Assyrians, then by the Medes and Persians. To make this verse mean that God has a special plan for today’s Iran is to adopt a cavalier approach to Scripture which, perhaps unwittingly, encourages nationalism..

 While the claims for Iran’s ‘manifest destiny’ are baseless, the appeal is vigorous and widely believed. So the focus shifts from a Christianity where Jesus Christ and serving the poor is centre stage, to a Christianity where Iran and her political future is centre stage. And unless the church is robust in exorcising this emphasis, there is a danger that all the sacrifice and selfless service that has contributed to the growth of the church in recent years will be thrown to the dogs of nationalism.

 Indeed this danger has already reared its loathsome head. The Iranian Mojahadin, a cult like Islamic political movement, totally committed to violence, is well aware of that the numbers of Christians in Iran are growing. Now they want the support of Christians even though Christianity and the Mojahadin have not a jot in common. Sadly the Mojahadin have successfully managed to get some Christians to talk as if the two belong on the same team. Saeed Abedini, a Christian who was in prison in Iran for his faith, spoke in 2016 at a large Mojahadin meeting in Paris saying the cause of the Christians and the Mojahadin were one. His argument is wholly false. There is no call for regime change in the New Testament, indeed Christians are told to ‘honour the emperor’.  And yet here was a well-known Christian saying his cause was the same as a group who wanted to violently overthrow an official government. Thankfully many Iranian church leaders have publicly denounced Abedini, but here is a warning for the need to relentlessly preach against nationalism in Iran’s new house churches. Not least because an anti-Islamic nationalism is very much on the rise in Iran these days. In 2011 there were less than 25,000 Zoroastrians in Iran; in 2020, 7.7% in the Gamaan survey of around 50,000 Iranians[3], identified themselves as Zoroastrians. Spread that across the whole country and it means from 25,000, the number of Zoroastrians is now over six million. It is widely believed that the reason for this massive increase is because Iranians associate nationalism with this ancient religion which dominated their country before the coming of Islam. Zoroastrianism is the faith of the nationalists.

 Preach Christ, not Britain or Iran

 Cromwell and Khomeini belonged to very different faiths, but they stand together on a terrain soaked in blood, both their names synonymous with political violence. The blood-shed was primarily because of nationalism.

 May British and Iranian Christians take a zealous stand against this ugly emphasis. May they eschew all the loud claims proclaiming this and that for their countries, and instead determine to preach Christ crucified to the lost, minister grace and truth to believers, and to always remember the poor, regardless of what is happening on the political canvas in London or Tehran.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 



[1] Vali Nasr, ‘The Shia Revival’ W.W. Norton, New York, 2006 page 120. After hearing this Haeri got up and left without a word. He never spoke to Khomeini again.

[2] See the 2020 Gamaan Report into Religiosity in Iran - https://gamaan.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/GAMAAN-Iran-Religion-Survey-2020-English.pdf

[3] See footnote 2

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